With these general principles in mind let us now consider the national idea at work in the nineteenth century. The German national idea still awaits development in the direction of racial unity, political unity, and constitutional freedom. But the German people, as a people, lacks this irreplaceable heritage of political self-respect. Slovaks, Croats, Serbs, Roumanians, Saxons, all fought against the Magyars, and finally the scale was turned by the Russian troops who poured across the Carpathians in the name of outraged autocracy. Many among us alive to-day may see continental northwest airline discount ticket price population reach and perhaps pass that of teeming China. It may then become the duty of the British Embassy at Rome to make arrangements with the Italian Government in order that English farmers may not suffer by losing the market for their produce. But partly also effective discussion of foreign politics does not exist because we are more interested in home politics. Togoland, Cameroon, or East Africa) that the decision will rest entirely with the European governments.
But if as before we apply the principle of nationality, it is indisputable that Trieste is an Italian town, though the whole surrounding country up to the very suburbs is purely Slovene. It would obviously be necessary to work at home a special autonomous administration under a Russian governor. This type of action may pass muster during a time of stress, but whether the spirit of the people will accept it after the war is over and there are the dependants of the slain to be maintained and the permanently crippled to be provided for is a different matter. Lastly, the German system regards national "culture" rather than national character as the chief element in civilisation and the justification of its claim to a dominant place in the world. In this connection I may point out that I have made in it a full confession of certain delinquencies which were forced on me by circumstances.